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Volume
I No. 31
10-29-02
Vladimir
Putin's Poison Gas Solution
{
What Is This Man Hiding Behind The Mirror? }
author:
Vance Cureton
©
Copyright 2002
The controversy brewing
over in Moscow about Russian President
Vladimir Putin's decision
to use an unidentified gas to end a hostage
crisis, serves as a
stark illustration of the huge difference between
how such situations
are handled in the West. And how these situations
continue to be handled
in the East.
In perfect Soviet-style
intransigence, the Russian government refused
to identify the poison
gas to the medical personnel that were treating
the hostages after they
were freed. Thus raising the very real possibility
that the government's
silence cost the lives of numerous hostages that
might have otherwise
been saved if the exact composition of the gas
had been made public.
This is another demonstration
of the extremely shaky foundations
of the limited democratic
experiment that is going on with the current
Russian goverment. Much
work remains to be done. Many attitudes
need to be changed before
a true "open society" can have the slightest
chance of evolving within
this historically significant old nation-state.
The Russian experiment
is still in its earliest stages. The unnecessary
loss of lives means
nothing to the civil authorities there, just as long
as the flow of information
remains restricted and controlled. Just like
in the Soviet days,
the press and its potential to desiminate information
quickly, and in unpredictable
ways, is seen as a tremendous threat to
govermental authority.
It is agreed by many
experts knowledgeable in hostage negotitiation
tactics, that Putin's
trade-off of 700 lives potentially lost, for the 100
lives that were actually
lost, was as good an outcome as could have
been hoped for, given
the level of threat posed by the hostage-takers.
But, in England, or in
France, and certainly in the U.S.A., govermental
discomfort at the lost
of any hostages, would have been a secondary
issue, so long as more
lives could have been saved in the hospital
wards, after the crisis
was over.
But this is so contrary
to the Russian mindset. The government can
never admit its fallibility
in the event of a bad outcome. Such an
admission would be taken
as weakness. Not only by the goverment
itself. But by the
public looking on as events unfold. Whereas in the
West, a goverment that
can freely admit mistakes, or declare that
situations under goverment
control don't always work out perfectly
as planned, is instead
a sign of a
stable body-politic. It
is an indicator
of
strength.
In this era of increased
cooperation between the West and the remnants
of the old communist
block, Putin's handling of the crisis and its aftermath,
illustrates the dangers
of moving forward too quickly. The expanding
European Union, as well
as NATO "politically" advancing to the very
edge of the current
Russian border. These are signs of hope that the
world is a less hostile
place. At least, as it concerns the old Cold War
combatants.
But as over-eager capitalist
investors are finding out in communist China.
In times of crisis or
political dispute, the East still reacts differently than
the West. Old attitudes
die hard. Yes, it is good that both the new Russia,
and the wizened old
men in Beijing, are attempting to mirror within their
societies some of the
more postive aspects of the capitalistic West.
But it is what lurks
behind those mirrors that remains frightening, still.
ReadingPost.Com
© Copyright
2002
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